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Carlisle Patriot - 18 May 1844
THE FACTORY BILL - REJECTION OF THE TEN HOURS CLAUSE.

The vote of the House of Commons, on Monday night, excluding from the
Factories' Act Improvement Bill, the clause proposed by Lord ASHLEY for
limiting the hours of labour of women and children to ten hours a day, was
in accordance with our anticipations. The stand which the Government made in
favour of the twelve hours clause was so determined, and above all, the
avowal of Sir Robert PEEL that it involved the existence of the Government,
was so explicit that it could not fail to influence the vote of a large
majority of the house; and it will be seen from the debate and the division
that a great number of the members favourable to the proposal of Lord ASHLEY
preferred voting for its rejection to endangering the ministry of Sir Robert
PEEL.

In so doing, we think, they acted with a proper consideration for the
exigencies of the country, because, we say it advisedly, we cannot imagine
any greater national calamity that could befal the empire, at the present
juncture, than the resignation of the Conservative administration. Holding,
as we do, a very strong opinion upon the Factory Question generally, and
doubting altogether the alleged risk of increasing foreign competition by a
ten hours bill - we have never given our support to the measure of Lord
ASHLEY, because we have felt it must be attended with such a reduction of
wages as would greatly diminish the comforts of the operatives - a matter of
which they, in their earnest desire to be relieved from one of the hardships
of the factory system, have not sufficiently considered. But if we had
supported that measure with the utmost zeal, and from the most positive
conviction of its advantages, and the question arose whether it should be
carried at all cost, we should still say, that the sacrifice of the present
Cabinet would be an enormous price for all the possible and proposed
advantages of the short time system. A portion of the people might be
benefitted, but the nation in all its wide dominions would be grievously
prejudiced.

It is not now necessary that we should recount the good that has been done
by Sir Robert PEEL's administration. It is perceivable in every department
of the State, it is felt by every interest in Great Britain. It is seen in a
universal peace - in improving trade - in extending commerce - in the
prosperity of the Exchequer - in the remission of taxes and the proposal of
fiscal and legislative measures, which force even from the ranks of Faction,
an admiring approval; and he must be a bold man indeed, who would interrupt
so brilliant a carreer, for any partial or speculative results.

We do not, however, believe that the vote of the House has settled the
question as to the propriety of allowing women and children to work twelve
hours a day in factories. The arguments that have been used to justify a
continuance of such a system have been chiefly urged to show that is, in a
politico-economical sense, unwise to interfere with labour - a 'commodity'
which the mill-owners would like to have entirely at their own disposal. But
it so happens that the principle of such interference has been distinctly
recognised by the Government, and asserted by Parliament, and it even forms
a part of the Government legislation in this particular. The people at
large, and especially the operatives, who are most interested in the
measure, have cordially approved of, nay, earnestly invited such
interference. They have avowed a determination to agitate for it
incessantly, and a large body of the master manufacturers themselves have
recorded their opinions in favour of it - and we doubt not when the vested
interests in old machinery shall have expired, by its being "used up" - and
when the mill-owners have thoroughly satisfied themselves by extensive
losses, that excessive production is not a safe 'trading speculation,' a ten
hours clause will be again proposed - and received in a different spirit by
the Government and the Legislature.


 
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